De: El País.com
Derry y Ferrol
Para alguna gente, en España, la palabra "memoria" se ha vuelto sospechosa. Dices "memoria" en un café y ves rostros que se giran torvos. Es asombroso que una palabra así viva en la atmósfera con un estigma. Sin embargo, en muchos medios alérgicos a la "memoria" se ha destacado con loable normalidad informativa que el premier conservador británico pide perdón a las víctimas y reconoce la verdad del Bloody Sunday, después del demoledor Informe Saville. La investigación desmonta la gran mentira de la versión oficial mantenida durante años. Lo ocurrido el 30 de enero de 1972 en Derry, en Irlanda del Norte, durante una manifestación por los derechos civiles, fue una matanza de inocentes y no un enfrentamiento. En la prensa española se han sugerido algunos paralelismos históricos, pero siempre referidos a otros países. A mí me retumban los tiros en los tímpanos. Pocos días después de aquel Domingo Sangriento, el 10 de marzo de 1972, una manifestación de trabajadores fue baleada por la policía franquista en el entonces llamado Ferrol del Caudillo. Corría sangre por las calles de la ciudad natal del dictador. Murieron dos obreros. A uno le reventaron la cabeza. Al otro, el corazón. Y más de medio centenar quedaron con heridas muy graves, víctimas de los "disparos al aire", según las soeces informaciones gubernativas. Ningún manifestante iba armado. Iban a cuerpo descubierto, aquella mañana de plomo. Se manifestaban por sus derechos laborales y por las libertades de todos. No hubo ninguna investigación. No compareció ningún juez. Me equivoco. Decenas de víctimas fueron detenidas, sometidas a tormento, incluso estando heridas, y muchas condenadas a años de prisión. Éramos estudiantes de instituto. Fuimos a un funeral, con la iglesia cercada por furgones policiales. El sacerdote tuvo la valentía de decir los nombres de los muertos: Amador Rey y Daniel Niebla. Mis respetos por su decencia, señor David Cameron.
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sábado, 19 de junio de 2010
miércoles, 19 de mayo de 2010
The Irish Times, sobre Garzón
El diario The Irish Times ha publicado lo siguiente sobre la suspensión del juez Garzón. Destaco esta oración: "it is not only this controversial investigating magistrate who will be on trial in the coming months. It will be Spain’s political system itself, and the problematic legacy left by the Franco regime" ["en los meses venideros no sólo se sentará en el banquillo el magistrado polémico, sino también el sistema político de España, y el legado problemático que dejó atrás el régimen franquista," traducción mía].
The Irish Times - Thursday, May 20, 2010
Baltasar Garzón
THE ROLLERCOASTER career of Spain’s so-called “star judge”, Baltasar Garzón, has hit a new low with the decision of the General Council of the Judiciary to suspend him from professional duties last week. The case that led to this suspension concerns his investigations into the crimes committed under Gen Franco’s 40-year dictatorship during and following the 1936-39 civil war.
The Supreme Court argues that he did this in the full knowledge that a 1970s amnesty law protects the perpetrators of human rights abuses under that dictatorship. He is charged with perversion of justice at the Supreme Court on this and two other counts. But his supporters argue that he is really being prosecuted for highlighting an uncomfortable reality – modern Spanish democracy is built on a dubious political deal, euphemistically known as “the pact of forgetfulness”, between the heirs of the dictatorship and a majority of democrats. So it is not only this controversial investigating magistrate who will be on trial in the coming months. It will be Spain’s political system itself, and the problematic legacy left by the Franco regime.
The separation of powers between executive, legislature and judiciary is a key democratic principle, but all three cases against Garzón reveal a dangerous degree of politicisation in the Spanish courts. It is tempting to paint Garzón as the innocent victim of such political intrigue. However, this unpredictably partisan figure often appears to be its creature as well as its current target. His fatal error may have been to antagonise all political factions over his 30-year tenure as a senior investigating magistrate.The highs in his professional life have certainly been spectacular. He is best known abroad for his unprecedented attempt to extend the reach of international human rights law.
But his extraordinary achievements have been tarnished by his tendency to exceed his legal powers to get results. This has been equally evident in many high-profile cases: his ruthless pursuit of radical Basque political parties and media; of drug barons; and, most recently and now also the object of a Supreme Court case against him, of corruption in Spain’s biggest opposition party, the right-wing Partido Popular (PP). The flaws in his professional practice might be forgiven if his trial brings about judicial reform and an end to Spain’s amnesia about the dictatorship. But this patently ambitious man has too few friends left in high places for this to be a likely outcome.
The Irish Times - Thursday, May 20, 2010
Baltasar Garzón
THE ROLLERCOASTER career of Spain’s so-called “star judge”, Baltasar Garzón, has hit a new low with the decision of the General Council of the Judiciary to suspend him from professional duties last week. The case that led to this suspension concerns his investigations into the crimes committed under Gen Franco’s 40-year dictatorship during and following the 1936-39 civil war.
The Supreme Court argues that he did this in the full knowledge that a 1970s amnesty law protects the perpetrators of human rights abuses under that dictatorship. He is charged with perversion of justice at the Supreme Court on this and two other counts. But his supporters argue that he is really being prosecuted for highlighting an uncomfortable reality – modern Spanish democracy is built on a dubious political deal, euphemistically known as “the pact of forgetfulness”, between the heirs of the dictatorship and a majority of democrats. So it is not only this controversial investigating magistrate who will be on trial in the coming months. It will be Spain’s political system itself, and the problematic legacy left by the Franco regime.
The separation of powers between executive, legislature and judiciary is a key democratic principle, but all three cases against Garzón reveal a dangerous degree of politicisation in the Spanish courts. It is tempting to paint Garzón as the innocent victim of such political intrigue. However, this unpredictably partisan figure often appears to be its creature as well as its current target. His fatal error may have been to antagonise all political factions over his 30-year tenure as a senior investigating magistrate.The highs in his professional life have certainly been spectacular. He is best known abroad for his unprecedented attempt to extend the reach of international human rights law.
But his extraordinary achievements have been tarnished by his tendency to exceed his legal powers to get results. This has been equally evident in many high-profile cases: his ruthless pursuit of radical Basque political parties and media; of drug barons; and, most recently and now also the object of a Supreme Court case against him, of corruption in Spain’s biggest opposition party, the right-wing Partido Popular (PP). The flaws in his professional practice might be forgiven if his trial brings about judicial reform and an end to Spain’s amnesia about the dictatorship. But this patently ambitious man has too few friends left in high places for this to be a likely outcome.
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